Georgia Bishops And The Death
Penalty
June 2, 1980
by the Catholic bishops of Georgia
and the Episcopal bishop of Atlanta
Four
years ago the restoration of the death penalty by the Supreme Court prompted
a joint statement of opposition by us. Now, in the face of its looming
actual use in the case of the prisoner, Jack Potts, we protest it in
practice.
We acknowledge that Christians
of equally serious moral concern disagree on the issue. Our intent is to
honor personal freedom in Christ to exercise moral discernment and come to
different conclusions. Still, we feel compelled to bear witness to our views
and ask the citizens of Georgia to give us heed.
The death penalty might be
justified as the lesser of two evils if it could be shown conclusively that,
by inhibiting violent crime, it served as a significant protection to
society. However, the weight of sociological research strongly suggests the
reverse — that lawful violence may actually encourage criminal violence.
Since the sociology of crime and punishment is an inconclusive guide, we
rely principally on theological considerations in opposing the death
penalty. Four points of conviction persuade us firmly against its use.
First the holiness of human
life. This revolutionary value is implicit in the Judeo-Christian revelation
and emerges into political visibility with the systems of justice that
bestow the right of equal protection of the law to all persons. At a more
primitive level in history this is the value underlying the ancient
commandment that forbids the deliberate killing of another human being.
Second, we hold that the
Christian purpose of punishment is reformatory and retributive, not
vindictive. Vengeance is morally inadmissible on Christian grounds. Our
scriptures are explicit in declaring vengeance to be God's prerogative, not
humanity's. And because Jesus Christ warned of God's judgment in terms of
God's love, we hold the meaning of vengeance in God's use of it to be
redemptive.
Third, the violent taking of
one human life to serve notice on other lives is decidedly cruel. It has led
to gross discrimination in actual practice, violating our equal value as
persons. The victims are almost invariably from among the poor, the
oppressed or the disadvantaged. Moreover, it cannot be anything but
counterproductive as public education. If, as we commonly hold, the most
persuasive instructor is the power of example, then it must be clear that
killing teaches only the permissibility of taking human life, not the value
of preserving it.
Finally, in theological terms,
we hold that the divine law of love relates to humanity as a lure and a
goal. We have made our way slowly toward more just and compassionate
treatment of one another in the human family. In our social history the
structures of compassion have emerged gradually, but they have emerged. The
abolition of the death penalty seemed to us such a forward move. Its
restoration is a backward step. Its actual use in our state demeans us all.
It reduces our shared dignity as human persons and violates our professed
respect for human life.
That there should be punishment
of crime, we hold to be self-evident. That the punishment should fit both
the crime and the criminal we hold to be the steadfast aim of our courts of
law. If the law of the land should mature to the point of forbidding the
retaliatory violence of punishing crime by killing the criminal, we would
hold this to be a triumph of God's redemptive sovereignty in human affairs.