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Some prejudices are more equal than others
Philip
Jenkins
The American
media, usually painstaking in their efforts to offend members of no racial,
religious or gender category, consistently make one major exception — the Roman
Catholic Church. So argues Philip Jenkins, professor of history and religion at
Penn State and an Episcopalian, in his new book The New Anti-Catholicism: The
Last Acceptable Prejudice.
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Expressions of
anti-Catholic bigotry scarcely come as a surprise. Over the years, we have come
to expect that media treatments of the Church, its clergy and its faithful will
be negative, if not highly offensive, and Catholic organizations try to confront
the worst manifestations of prejudice. When such controversies erupt, the
defenders of the various shows or productions commonly invoke a free speech
defense. These productions are just legitimate commentary, we hear, so offended
Catholics should just lighten up, and learn not to be hyper-sensitive.
Sometimes, defenders just deny that the allegedly anti-Catholic works are
anything like as hostile as they initially seem to be. All these arguments,
though, miss one central point, namely that similarly controversial attacks
would be tolerated against literally no other group, whether that group is
religious, political or ethnic.
The issue should not be whether film X or art exhibit Y is deliberately
intending to affront Catholics. We should rather ask whether comparable
expressions would be allowed if they caused outrage or offense to any other
group, whether or not that degree of offense seems reasonable or understandable
to outsiders. If the answer is yes, that our society will indeed tolerate
controversial or offensive presentations of other groups — of Muslims and Jews,
African-Americans and Latinos, Asian-Americans and Native Americans, gays and
lesbians — then Catholics should not protest that they are being singled out for
unfair treatment. If, however, controversy is out of bounds for these other
groups — as it assuredly is — then we certainly should not lighten up, and the
Catholic League is going to be in business for a very long time to come.
It is easy to illustrate the degree of public sensitivity to images or displays
that affect other social or religious groups — but how many of us realize how
far the law has gone in accommodating the presumed privilege against offense?
Witness the legal attempts over the last two decades to regulate so-called “hate
speech.” American courts have never accepted that speech should be wholly
unrestricted, but since the 1980s, a variety of activists have pressed for
expanded laws or codes that would limit or suppress speech directed against
particular groups, against women, racial minorities and homosexuals. The most
ambitious of these speech codes were implemented on college campuses. Though
many such codes have been struck down by the courts, a substantial section of
liberal opinion believes that stringent laws should restrict the right to
criticize minorities and other interest groups.
But if these provisions had been upheld in the courts, what would they have
meant for recent Catholic controversies? One typical university code defines
hate speech “as any verbal speech, harassment, and/or printed statements which
can provoke mental and/or emotional anguish for any member of the University
community.” Nothing in the code demands evidence that the offended person is a
normal, average character not over-sensitive to insult. According to the speech
codes, the fact of “causing anguish” is sufficient. Since the various codes
placed so much emphasis on the likelihood of causing offense, rather than the
intent of the act or speech involved, the codes might well have criminalized art
exhibits like, oh, just to take a fantastic example, a photograph of a crucifix
submerged in a jar of urine.
The element of “causing offense” is central to speech codes. At the University
of Michigan a proposed code would have prohibited “any behavior, verbal or
physical, that stigmatizes or victimizes an individual on the basis of race,
ethnicity, religion, sex, sexual orientation, creed, national origin, ancestry,
age, marital status, handicap, or Vietnam-era veteran status.” “Stigmatization
and victimization” are defined entirely by the subjective feelings of the groups
who felt threatened. In 1992, the US Supreme Court upheld a local statute that
prohibited the display of a symbol that one knows or has reason to know “arouses
anger, alarm or resentment in others on the basis of race, color, creed,
religion or gender.” The implied reference is to a swastika or a burning cross,
but as it is written, the criterion is that the symbol causes “anger, alarm or
resentment” to some unspecified person. These were precisely the reactions of
many Catholic believers who saw or read about the “Piss Christ” photograph, or
the controversial displays at the Brooklyn Museum of Art.
Other recent laws have taken full account of religious sensibilities, at least
where non-Catholics are concerned. Take for instance the treatment of Native
American religions, and the presentation of displays that (rightly) outrage
Native peoples. In years gone by, museums nonchalantly displayed Indian
skeletons in a way that would be unconscionable for any community, but which was
all the more offensive for Native peoples, with their keen sensitivity to the
treatment of the dead. In 1990, Congress passed NAGPRA, the Native American
Graves Protection and Repatriation Act, which revolutionized the operation of
American museums and galleries by requiring that all Indian remains and cultural
artifacts should be repatriated to their tribal owners. As a matter of federal
criminal law, NAGPRA established the principle that artistic and historical
interests must be subordinate to the religious and cultural sensibilities of
minority communities.
Even so, museums and cultural institutions have gone far beyond the letter of
this strict law. They have systematically withdrawn or destroyed displays that
might cause the slightest offense to Indian peoples, including such
once-familiar displays as photographs of skeletons or grave-goods. In
South-Western museums today, one commonly sees such images replaced with
apologetic signs, which explain gaps in the exhibits in terms of new cultural
sensitivities. Usually, museums state simply that the authorities of a given
tribe have objected to an exhibit because it considers it hurtful or
embarrassing, without even giving the grounds for this opinion, yet that is
enough to warrant removal. When disputes arise, the viewpoint of the minority
group must be treated as authoritative. Just imagine an even milder version of
this legal principle being applied to starkly offensive images like those at the
Brooklyn Museum of Art. If Native religion deserves respect and restraint on the
part of commentators — as it assuredly does — why doesn’t Catholicism merit
similar safeguards?
Beyond the legal realm, time and again we see that media outlets exercise a
powerful self-censorship that suppresses controversial or offensive images,
whether or not that “offense” is intended: and again, this restraint applies to
every group, except Catholics. Over the years, the film industry has learned to
suppress images or themes that affect an ever-growing number of protected
categories. The caution about African-Americans is understandable, given the
racist horrors in films of bygone years, but the present degree of sensitivity
is astounding. Recall last year’s film “Barbershop,” in which Black characters
exchange disrespectful remarks about such heroic figures as Rosa Parks and
Martin Luther King, and more questionable characters like O. J. Simpson and
Jesse Jackson. Though this was clearly not a racist attack, the outcry was
ferocious: some things simply cannot be said in public. Jesse Jackson and Al
Sharpton led an intense campaign to delete these touchy references.
And other social groups have learned these lessons about self-censorship.
Asian-Americans and Latinos have both made it clear that the once-familiar
stereotypes will no longer be tolerated, and Hollywood takes their complaints to
heart. By the early 1990s, too, gay groups had achieved a similar immunity.
When, in 1998, the film “The Siege” offered a (prescient) view of New York City
under assault by Arab terrorists, the producers thought it politic to work
closely with Arab-American and Muslim groups in order to minimize charges of
stereotyping and negative portrayals. Activists thought that any film depicting
how “Arab terrorists methodically lay waste to Manhattan” was not only clearly
fantastic in its own right, but also “reinforces historically damaging
stereotypes.” As everyone knew, Hollywood had a public responsibility not to
encourage such labeling.
Yet no such qualms affect the making of films or television series that might
offend America’s sixty million Catholics. Any suggestion that the makers of such
films should consult with Catholic authorities or interest groups would be
dismissed as promoting censorship, and a grossly inappropriate religious
interference with artistic self-expression. The fuss over whether a film like
“Dogma” or “Stigmata” is intentionally anti-Catholic misses the point. The
question is not why American studios release films that will annoy and offend
Catholics, but why they do not more regularly deal with subject matter that
would be equally uncomfortable or objectionable to other traditions or interest
groups. If they did so, American films might be much more interesting, in
addition to demonstrating a new consistency.
If works of art are to offend, they should do so on an equal opportunity basis.
If we have to tolerate such atrocities as “Sister Mary Ignatius Explains It All
For You” — recently revived as a Showtime special — then why should we not have
merry satires poking fun at secular icons like Matthew Shepard or Martin Luther
King? If, on the other hand, it is ugly and unacceptable even to contemplate an
imaginary production of “Matthew Explains It All,” poking fun at victims of
gay-bashing, then why should we put up with Sister Mary? Some consistency,
please.
Let me end with a suggestion. By all means, let the Catholic League continue to
report offensive depictions of Catholics and their church. But to put these in
perspective, always remember to record these many other controversies, in which
other groups succeed in enforcing their right to be free from offense. Only then
can Catholic-bashing be seen for what it is, America’s last acceptable
prejudice.
ACKNOWLEDGEMENT
Philip Jenkins.
"Some prejudices are more equal than others." Catalyst (May, 2003).
Catalyst, the journal of the Catholic League, provides timely updates on
Catholic League issues and activities. It is published ten times per year; all
members receive a copy. Anyone may purchase current or back issues
here.
THE AUTHOR
Philip
Jenkins is Distinguished Professor of History and Religious Studies at
Pennsylvania State University. He is the author, most recently, of
The New Anti-Catholicism: The Last Acceptable Prejudice
(2003) and
The Next Christendom: The Coming of Global Christianity
(2002).
Copyright
© 2003
Catalyst

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